Academic and grey literature

Aalbers, Manuel B.

2004

Creative Destruction through the Anglo-American Hegemony: A Non-Anglo-American View on Publications, Referees and Language

Area

36

3

319-322

11838

Aalbers, Manuel B. and Rossi, Ugo

2007

A coming community: young geographers coping with multi-tier spaces of academic publishing across Europe

Social & Cultural Geography

8

2

382-302

Little is still known about the publishing practices of scholars based outside the leading Anglophone countries. More generally, little is known about the contemporary machineries of writing spaces within human geography and the other social sciences. In responding to a recent editorial by Ron Johnston, this paper seeks to start filling this void by providing the results of a research project investigating the multi-language publishing practices pursued by a selected sample of young European human geographers. The research findings throw light on multi-tier publishing spaces in European human geography today. The paper concludes by outlining a critique of the homo publicans emerging from rationalist accounts of academic publishing. In particular, by embracing a critical perspective informed by the attempt to build a ‘social geography of scientific knowledge production’, the paper argues that publication strategies and practices do not only follow the direct paths of maximization of publication records, but can follow the more complex and differentiated paths of multi-level and heterarchical academic spaces and networks.

11839

Abdulagatov, Zaid Magomedovich

2012

O vliyanii religioznogo faktora na ekstremistskoye povedeniye dagestanskoy molodezhi [On the influence of the religious factor on the extremist behaviour of Dagestani youth]

Sotsiologicheskiye issledovaniya [Sociological Research]

1

106-113

http://www.isras.ru/files/File/Socis/2012_1/Abdulagatov.pdf

На основе данных социологических опросов в Дагестане в 1996 - 2010 гг. сделана попытка выявить роль религиозного фактора в экстремистских действиях молодежи региона.

10474

Abdullaev, Nabi

2007

Unravelling Chechen “Black Widows”

Homeland Defense Journal

5

5

18-21

Female suicide bombers, called "Black Widows" by sensationalist journalists, became the Chechen rebels' weapon of choice after the October 2002 hostage-taking raid on a Moscow theater. Nineteen of 41 attackers in that raid were masked women carrying belts with explosives. In the second Chechen war with the Russian military, the operational initiative in the Chechen resistance was hijacked by Arab Islamic jihadists, who imported effective terrorist tactics from other jihad fronts. The use of female suicide bombers was one such tactic. The little evidence available on the recruitment of women suicide bombers in the Chechen cause suggests that religion is used as the inspirational, motivational, and legitimizing dynamic for the recruitment. Women are strategically appealing as suicide bombers, because the passion of their sacrifice is magnified by their willingness to sacrifice women's supposed traditional opposition to violence and killing. At the same time, they are considered more expendable than men, who are viewed as more valuable in combat that requires particular skills and training. In some cases, Russian Federal troops resorted to the tactics used by Israel in countering suicide bombings. They demolished the houses of the families of the suicide bombers. Moscow also promoted the development of loyal Chechen statehood and helped the Republic to establish police control over the Republic's territory. This effort, which brutally suppressed any separatist and jihadist sentiments within Chechen social groups, has not allowed the glorification of suicide bombing to develop into an inspirational motivation for new suicide bombers.

10272

Abrahms, Max

2006

Why Terrorism Does Not Work

International Security

31

2

42-78

This is the first article to analyze a large sample of terrorist groups in terms of their policy effectiveness. It includes every foreign terrorist organization (FTO) designated by the U.S. Department of State since 2001. The key variable for FTO success is a tactical one: target selection. Terrorist groups whose attacks on civilian targets outnumber attacks on military targets do not tend to achieve their policy objectives, regardless of their nature. Contrary to the prevailing view that terrorism is an effective means of political coercion, the universe of cases suggests that, first, contemporary terrorist groups rarely achieve their policy objectives and, second, the poor success rate is inherent to the tactic of terrorism itself. The bulk of the article develops a theory for why countries are reluctant to make policy concessions when their civilian populations are the primary target.

10950

Abrahms, Max

2008

What Terrorists Really Want: Terrorist Motives and Counterterrorism Strategy

International Security

32

4

78-105

What do terrorists want? No question is more fundamental for devising an effective counterterrorism strategy. The international community cannot expect to make terrorism unprofitable and thus scarce without knowing the incentive structure of its practitioners. The strategic model-the dominant paradigm in terrorism studies-posits that terrorists are political utility maximizers. According to this view, individuals resort to terrorism when the expected political gains minus the expected costs outweigh the net expected benefits of alternative forms of protest. The strategic model has widespread currency in the policy community; extant counterterrorism strategies seek to defeat terrorism by reducing its political utility. The most common strategies are to fight terrorism by decreasing its political benefits via a strict no concessions policy; decreasing its prospective political benefits via appeasement; or decreasing its political benefits relative to nonviolence via democracy promotion. Despite its policy relevance, the strategic model has not been tested. This is the first study to comprehensively assess its empirical validity. The actual record of terrorist behavior does not conform to the strategic model's premise that terrorists are rational actors primarily motivated to achieving political ends. The preponderance of empirical and theoretical evidence is that terrorists are rational people who use terrorism primarily to develop strong affective ties with fellow terrorists. Major revisions in both the dominant paradigm in terrorism studies and the policy community's basic approach to fighting terrorism are consequently in order.

10949

Abrahms, Max

2012

The political effectiveness of terrorism revisited

Comparative Political Studies

45

3

366-393

Terrorists attack civilians to coerce their governments into making political concessions. Does this strategy work? To empirically assess the effectiveness of terrorism, the author exploits variation in the target selection of 125 violent substate campaigns. The results show that terrorist campaigns against civilian targets are significantly less effective than guerrilla campaigns against military targets at inducing government concessions. The negative political effect of terrorism is evident across logit model specifications after carefully controlling for tactical confounds. Drawing on political psychology, the author concludes with a theory to account for why governments resist compliance when their civilians are targeted.

10026

Abrahms, Max

2018

Rules for Rebels: The Science of Victory in Militant History

Oxford: Oxford University Press

10948

Abrahms, Max and Gottfried, Matthew S.

2016

Does terrorism pay? An empirical analysis

Terrorism and Political Violence

28

1

72-89

Does terrorism help perpetrators to achieve their demands? Few research questions about terrorism generate as much controversy. This study contributes to the debate in two main ways. First, we identify major limitations within the burgeoning literature on the effectiveness of terrorism. Specifically, we highlight the main methodological problems vexing empirical assessments of whether terrorism promotes government concessions. Second, we present a research design that circumvents those recurrent methodological shortcomings. In short, we find no empirical evidence to suggest that terrorism pays. In fact, multiple variants of the tactic in hostage standoffs impede the perpetrators from coercing government compliance. The negative effect of terrorism on the odds of compliance is significant and substantial across logistic and multilevel logistic model specifications, particularly when civilians are killed or wounded in the coercive incident. These findings have important implications for both scholars and practitioners of counterterrorism.

10953

Abrahms, Max and Mierau, Jochen

2015

‘Leadership Matters: The Effects of Targeted Killings on Militant Group Tactics,’ Terrorism and Political Violence, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2015.1069671

11478

Abrahms, M. and Potter, P.B.K.

2015

“Explaining terrorism: leadership deficits and militant group tactics”, International Organization, Vol. 69 No. 2, pp. 311-342, doi: 10.1017/S0020818314000411.

11479

Abrahms, Max, Beauchamp, Nicholas and Mroszczyk, Joseph

2017

What Terrorist Leaders Want: A Content Analysis of Terrorist Propaganda Videos

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism

40

11

899-916

In recent years, a growing body of empirical research suggests that indiscriminate violence against civilian targets tends to carry substantial political risks compared to more selective violence against military targets. To better understand why terrorist groups sometimes attack politically suboptimal targets, scholars are increasingly adopting a principal-agent framework where the leaders of terrorist groups are understood as principals and lower level members as agents. According to this framework, terrorist leaders are thought to behave as essentially rational political actors, whereas lower level members are believed to harbor stronger non-political incentives for harming civilians, often in defiance of leadership preferences. We test this proposition with an original content analysis of terrorist propaganda videos. Consistent with the principal–agent framework, our analysis demonstrates statistically that terrorist leaders tend to favor significantly less indiscriminate violence than their operatives actually commit, providing unprecedented insight into the incentive structure of terrorist leaders relative to the rank-and-file.

10028

Abrams, Neil Andrew

2014

Political Thugs: Criminal Corporate Raiding and Property Rights in Early-Capitalist Eastern Europe

UC Berkeley Dissertation

https://escholarship.org/uc/item/00z9w1jk

Based on evidence from Estonia, Poland, Slovakia, and Ukraine, this dissertation explains variations across post-communist countries in the frequency of criminal corporate raiding and the effectiveness of property-rights institutions. A criminal corporate raid is the takeover of a private business through the use of force, whether by means of direct violence or the help of the state. I examine raiding among two segments of the business elite: the plutocratic stratum, consisting of the twenty richest individuals, and the non-plutocratic elite, which refers to relatively less wealthy businesspeople along with state officials engaged in private business. Ukraine and Slovakia display extensive raiding among both the plutocratic and non-plutocratic elites. In Poland, raiding is just as pervasive within the non-plutocratic elite but rarer among the plutocrats. Estonia exhibits little raiding among both elite groups. The high incidence of raiding in Ukraine, Slovakia, and Poland means that property-rights institutions are by definition not doing their job. Only Estonia managed to develop a set of robust property-rights institutions, a fact supported by dozens of interviews with state officials. These findings fundamentally contradict much of the literature, which regards Slovakia and especially Poland as among the post-communist leaders in developing sound, market-supporting institutions. Instead, this investigation uncovered shocking and systematic abuses of property rights in both countries of a kind typically seen as restricted to places like Russia and Ukraine. The reasons behind these variant outcomes boil down to one key factor: the extent to which early post-communist governments imposed hard budget constraints on business actors. Budget constraints are said to be hard when firms cannot access artificial external support in the conduct of their business. They are soft when firms receive external assistance not justified by economic rationality. In Poland, Slovakia, and Ukraine, governments did not go far enough in reining in soft budget constraints; emerging business actors benefited from a proliferation of direct transfers from the state budget, illicitly subsidized privatizations, overpriced state contracts, cronyist financing from banks, advantageous price controls, and one-sided transactions with state enterprises. Soft budget constraints ended up enriching and empowering a class of political thugs whose comparative advantage lay solely in their political connections, not their capacity for productive economic activity. Having accumulated their initial fortunes by stealing state assets, it was a natural and logical step to begin stealing them from others in the form of raiding. Poland differed from Slovakia and Ukraine to the extent that its biggest state enterprises were largely sold at market prices. This accounts for the lower proportion of political thugs among its plutocratic elite and, in turn, the lesser incidence of raiding in this stratum. Beyond that, however, soft budget constraints were widely available there. This explains why the non-plutocratic elite in Poland is filled with political thugs. Estonia avoided these outcomes thanks to the swift and radical imposition of hard budget constraints in the early 1990s. This cleared away potential opponents to the establishment of effective property rights institutions. The current fashion in much of social science is to look at how institutions shape actors. This mode of inquiry is obviously important and useful. But it has led specialists to give what may very well be mistaken advice to policymakers: change the rules, and the actors will behave in ways better suited to a functioning market economy. The evidence uncovered here suggests that attempts to build market-supporting institutions, however well-intentioned, will likely fail if powerful economic criminals have a large presence. If the goal is to construct well-functioning state and market institutions, we would be well-served by examining not only how institutions affect actors but also the ways actors shape institutions. This study does both. It first shows how hard budget constraints - which consist of certain key policies and institutions - can help sideline economic predators. It then goes one step further, examining how the presence or absence of powerful groups of economic criminals determines the prospects that effective property rights institutions can emerge. Theories of institutional origination generally fail to identify the precise ways that governments can undercut the power of criminal business actors opposed to the status quo. This study not only corrects for these shortcomings but provides a clear lesson to policymakers in early-capitalist countries who are interested in building property rights institutions; by hardening budget constraints, reformers can fatally undermine the political thugs acting as a constraint on institutional development. If specialists disagree on whether policies or institutions are more important in creating market economies, hard budget constraints involve some of both. But they hardly encompass all of both. What they do offer resource-constrained policymakers is greater bang for their buck; by weakening corrupt actors committed to the status-quo, hard budget constraints can open the way for the construction of a much broader array of market-supporting institutions.

Abubakarov, Taymaz

1998

Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudayeva: Pravda i vymysel [The regime of Dzhokhar Dudayev: Truth and Fiction]

Moscow: INSAN

В книге на основе фактов показано как происходило становление и развитие режима Джохара Дудаева, дана характеристика важнейших сторон его внутренней и внешней политики, особенно в области экономики и финансов. Сделана попытка дать объективный анализ, уйти от упрощенного подхода к оценке дудаевского правления.Предназначена для политологов, экономистов, социологов и широкого круга лиц, интересующихся перипетиями современной политики.

10082

Researching Militant Groups in Southeast Asia

Conducting Terrorism Field Research,

ACAT France

2013

The Multiple Faces of Torture: A Study of the Phenomenon of Torture in Russia

http://www.acatfrance.fr/public/acat_russia_en.pdf

10517

Acey, Philip

2013

Winning Hearts and Minds: Population-Centric Counterinsurgency in the North Caucasus Federal District

Master's Thesis: University of Tampere

https://trepo.tuni.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/84633/gradu06767.pdf

In International Relations, war and security comprise a large role because it generally affects multiple countries. The insurgency in the North Caucasus Federal District is not only a threat to stability in the region or the Russian Federation, but to international peace and security as a whole. The Caucasus Emirate terrorist organization has declared jihad against the Russian government and any country or individual which they consider wages war against “Muslims”. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Russian government has implemented an enemy-centric strategy to neutralize insurgent numbers without addressing the root causes of instability in the region such as weak governance, corruption, lack of identity, economic stagnation, and military abuses. In 2010, the Russian government created the North Caucasus Federal District and unveiled a new strategy to counteract the root causes of instability in the region. This thesis analyzes to what extent the Russian government is implementing a population-centric counterinsurgency strategy to bring stability to the North Caucasus Federal District since the new strategy took effect to the end of the year 2012. Population-centric counterinsurgency is a strategy implemented by a government to win the “hearts and minds”, meaning the support of the target population to create an environment of support for the counterinsurgent, whereby support for an insurgency decreases and long-term stability is achieved through nation-building, encompassing the strengthening and maintenance of all forms of national power: the political, informational, military, and economic elements. In this thesis it is framed into three Logical Lines of Operation (LLOs): governance, economic development/essential services, and combat/civil security operations based upon the United States Army Counterinsurgency Field Manual No. 3-24. I also address the Russian government’s information campaign to enable stability since psychological warfare comprises a large part of population- centric counterinsurgency. Using ethnography as my method, I travelled to the North Caucasus Federal District for three weeks in the North Caucasus Federal District to observe the implementation of the government’s strategy under the framework of the three LLOs plus information campaign as well as conduct interviews with six Russian citizens: five in the North Caucasus Federal District and one from outside the region, regarding their thoughts on what the government’s strategy in the region. I have also read over 350 articles, news and government reports on the conflict and government’s strategy, some of which I use in this thesis to support or question my findings. One can conclude from this thesis that the Russian government, although still suffering to reform, is making considerable effort to solve the instability in the North Caucasus Federal District through economic development and a country-wide information campaign while still largely failing to gain the trust of the regional population due to gross levels of corruption, a closed political process for the people to decide their future, and continual abuses by military and security personnel who are still determined to solve the instability through violence. I have concluded that the Russian government implements a population-centric counterinsurgency strategy in terms of its information campaign and economic development, fails in terms of governance and drastically fails in combat/civil security operations

10518

Acharya, Amitav

2004

‘How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localization and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism,’ International Organization, 58:2, pp. 239-275.

11260

Acharya, Amitav

2016

Advancing Global IR: Challenges, Contentions, and Contributions

International Studies Review

This Presidential Issue, with contributions by scholars from Asia, Australia, the Middle East, South America, Africa, Europe, and the United States, illustrates how the idea of Global international relations (IR) could serve as a framework for both scholarly debate and empirical research and analysis. This issue is divided into two main parts. The first part contains nine feature articles that illustrate the multiple dimensions of a Global IR research agenda, overall demonstrating how bringing in non-Western ideas and agency broadens the horizons of existing IR knowledge. The topics covered here include Chinese conceptions of “relationality;” colonial interactions in the Indian Ocean to diffuse Westphalian sovereignty through processes of localization, comparing regionalisms, and norm dynamics in Asia and Europe; and the contribution of intercivilizational dialogues in bridging the West-Rest divide. Together, these articles challenge dominant understandings of these issues in current IR theory and highlight the place and agency of non-Western societies in the global order. The second part of the Presidential Issue, the Forum Section, contains ten short contributions that were drawn from two Presidential Theme Panels at the ISA 2015 Convention in New Orleans. These Forum essays not only highlight the obstacles facing the realization of Global IR, including some traditionalist objections to the whole idea, but also offer some pathways to overcome them. Overall, the Presidential Issue suggests that a Global IR is both possible and desirable.

11840

Ackerman, G.A. and Burnham, M.

2021

Towards a definition of terrorist ideology

Terrorism and Political Violence

10956

Speaking Truth to Sources: Introducing a Method for the Quantitative Evaluation of Open Sources in Event Data

Acosta, Benjamin

2014

Live to Win Another Day: Why Many Militant Organizations Survive Yet Few Succeed

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism

37

2

135-161

Militant organizations pursue two common aims: to survive and to achieve the goals that define their raison d’être. Yet, elements that sustain the life spans of militant organizations are not necessarily the same components that advance the accomplishment of their core, or “outcome,” goals. Further, some organizational practices, such as the use of suicide attacks, generate a tradeoff that bolsters survivability while detracting from the effective pursuit of outcome goals. This study demonstrates that three operating conditions explain variation in the duration and achievement of contemporary militant organizations: receptiveness to tradeoffs, levels of external support, and the nature of adversaries. As such, the unique effects of different operating conditions reveal why many militant organizations survive for long periods of time but only a few achieve the goals that justify their existence.

10031

Acosta, Benjamin and Rogers, Melissa Ziegler

2020

When militant organizations lose militarily but win politically

Cooperation and Conflict

55

3

365-387

10032

The Three Traditions and Revisionism

Adamsky, Dima

2010

The Culture of Military Innovation: The Impact of Cultural Factors on the Revolution in Military Affairs in Russia, the US, and Israel

Stanford, California: Stanford University Press

Adamson, Fiona

2005

, “Global liberalism versus political Islam: competing ideological frameworks in international politics,” International Studies Review, 7:4, pp547-569.

11261

Agathangelou, Anna M. and Ling, L.H.M.

2004

The House of IR: From Family Power Politics to the Poisies of Worldism

International Studies Review

6

4

21-49

11841

Agbeko, Ebenezer

2014

Understanding the Structural Dynamics of the Russo-Chechen Conflict: A (Hi)Story of an Intractable Conflict and the prospects for Political Settlement

Journal of Global Peace and Conflict

2

2

41-58

10561

Agnew, John

1987

Place and Politics: The Geographical Mediation of State and Society, London: Allen and Unwin.

11262

Ahmad, Aisha

2017

Jihad & Co.: Black Markets and Islamist Power

Oxford: Oxford University Press

10864

Aitkulova, Meerim

2017

‘Understanding the Threat of the Islamic State in Contemporary Kyrgyzstan,’ in James R. Lewis (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to Religion and Terrorism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 203-215

11214

Akaev, Vahit

1999

Sufizm i Wakhkhabizm na Severnom Kavkaze [Sufism and Wahhabism in the North Caucasus]

Moscow: Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology

127

10088

Akaev, Vahit

2005

Religious-Political Conflict in the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

Stockholm: CA & CC Press.

10204

Akaev, Vahit

2010

Islam and Politics in Chechniia and Ingushetia

In Galina Yemelianova (ed.), Radical Islam in the Former Soviet Union. London: Routledge

62-81

10393

Akaev, Vahit

2011

Sufiyskaya kultura na Severnom Kavkaze: Teoreticheskiye i prakticheskiye aspekty [Sufi culture in the North Caucasus: Theoretical and practical aspects]

Groznyy: The Scientific Research Institute of the Humanitarian Sciences of the Chechen Republic

10437

Akaev, Vahit

2011

Istoriya i spetsifika sovremennogo islamskogo vozrozhdeniya v Chechenskoy Respublike [The history and characteristics of the modern Islamic rebirth in the Chechen republic]

Tsentralnaya Aziya i Kavkaz [Central Asia and the Caucasus]

14

3

104-119

10438

Akbarzadeh, Shahram, William Gourlay and Anoushiravan Ehteshami

2023

Iranian proxies in the Syrian conflict: Tehran’s ‘forward-defence’ in action

Journal of Strategic Studies

46

4

683-706

https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2021.2023014

This article examines Iran’s ‘forward-defence’ strategy, in particular its deployment of proxy forces in the Syrian conflict. Iran’s expanded presence in regional conflicts is regarded by its adversaries as indication of hegemonic intent, while Tehran posits its regional posture as a defensive response to security threats. We argue that Iran’s ‘forward-defence’ strategy offers practical benefits, shaping strategic realities, and performative benefits, allowing Tehran to propagate a discourse of military fortitude. On balance, however, the strategy has fed suspicions of Iran’s intentions and increased hostility towards the Iranian leadership, thus is likely to be counterproductive.

11711

Akhgar, Babak, Bayerl, P. Saskia and Sampson, Fraser

2016

Open Source Intelligence Investigation: From Strategy to Implementation

Springer Cham

Open Source Intelligence Investigation: From Strategy to Implementation

11701

Akhmadov, Ilyas and Nicholas Daniloff

2013

Chechnya's Secret Wartime Diplomacy: Aslan Maskhadov and the Quest for a Peaceful Resolution

New York: Palgrave Macmillan

10519

Akhmadov, Ilyas and Miriam Lanskoy

2010

The Chechen Struggle: Independence Won and Lost

New York: Palgrave Macmillan

10394

Akhmedova, Khapta and Anne Speckhard

2008

Black Widows and Beyond: Understanding the Motivations and Life Trajectories of Chechen Female Terrorists

In Cindy D. Ness (ed.), Female Terrorism and Militancy: Agency, Utility and Organization. London: Routledge

64-80

10312

Akkiyeva, Svetlana

2009

Islam v Kabardino-Balkarii [Islam in Kabardino-Balkaria]

Moscow: Logos

10359

Akkiyeva, Svetlana

2013

Zhenshchiny Severnogo Kavkaza v izmenyayushchikhsya usloviyakh [Women of the North Caucasus in changing circumstances]

Rossiya i musulmanskiy mir [Russia and the Muslim world]

8

46-52

10520

Akkiyeva, Svetlana

2014

Islamskiye uchebnyye zavedeniya i musulmanskoye obrazovaniye na Severnom Kavkaze: Sostoyaniye i perspektivy [Islamic religious institutions and Muslim education in the North Caucasus: Status and perspectives]

In C.I. Almazova, L.M. Akhunov, R.I. Bekking, D.V. Brilev. and R.R. Khayrutdinov (eds.), Islam v multikulturnom mire [Islam in a multicultural world]. Kazan: Kazan University

330-342

10562

Aksyumov, Boris

2012

Ideologicheskiye osnovy religiozno-politicheskogo ekstremizma i terrorizma na Severnom Kavkaze [Ideological foundations of religious-political extremism and terrorism in the North Caucasus]

Nauchnaya mysl Kavkaza [Scientific thought of the Caucasus]

1

30-34

10475

Aksyumov, Boris and Denis Lavrinenko

2013

Etnopoliticheskiye problemy kak predposylka ekstremizma na Severnom Kavkaze [Ethnopolitical problems as a factor in extremism in the North Caucasus]

Rossiya i musulmanskiy mir [Russia and the Muslim world]

3

50-58

10521

Al-Rasheed, Madawi

2008

, “The Local and the Global in Saudi Salafism,” ISIM Review, 21.

11263

Rituals of Life and Death

Al-Rasheed, Madawi

2009

, “The Local and the Global in Saudi Salafi-Jihadi Discourse,” in Roel Meijer, (ed., Global Salafism: Islam’s New Religious Movement (London: Hurst & Company, 2009, 244-266.

11264

Al-Rasheed, Madawi and Shterin, Marat

2009

Dying for Faith: Religiously Motivated Violence in the Contemporary World, London: I.B. Tauris.

11265

Al-Shishani, Murad Batal

2004

The Killing Of Abu Al-Walid And The Russian Policy In Chechnya

Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Analyst

https://www.cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-articles/item/8974-analytical-articles-caci-analyst-2004-5-5-art-8974.html

10178

Al-Shishani, Murad Batal

2011

The Rise and Fall of Arab Fighters in Chechnya

In Glen E. Howard (ed). Volatile Borderland: Russia and the North Caucasus. Washington, D.C.: The Jamestown Foundation

10439

Al-Shishani, Murad Batal

2014

From Chechen Mafia to the Islamic Emirate of the Caucasus: The Changing Faces of the Insurgency-Organized Crime Nexus

In Svante Cornell and Michael Jonsson (eds.), Conflict, Crime, and the State in Postcommunist Eurasia. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press

82-102

10563

Al-Ubaydi, Muhammad

2015

Khattab

Jihadi Bios Project, Combating Terrorism Center

https://www.ctc.usma.edu/v2/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/CTC_Khattab-Jihadi-Bio-February2015-3.pdf

10609

Alatas, Syed Farid

2003

Academic dependency and the global division of labour in the social sciences

Current Sociology

51

6

599-613

11842

Albasoos, Hani and Al Maashani, Musallam

2020

The private military and security contractors in armed conflicts under international humanitarian law:Case study of Russian PMSCs

International Journal of Research in Business & Social Science

9

3

149-156

The participation of private and military contractors in armed conflicts is the contemporary phenomenon that concerned policymakers and military strategists, particularly Russian contractors. This phenomenon attracts most politicians to set up initiatives and to draw international guidelines to all concerned parties. The purpose of this research paper is to investigate the condition of Russian private military and security companies (PMSCs) in recent armed conflicts. The research is based on the realism approach, which will help explain Russian state behavior towards PMSCs, while the neoliberalism approach will help to explore this phenomenon from the Russian economic perspective. This research applies inductive, exploratory, and qualitative approaches, which solely based on secondary resources and media contents. The main finding of this research shows that those contractors have obligations under International Humanitarian Law (IHL), but the only limitation is the state’s obligation to endorse them. Besides, it seems that an international treaty between countries could be a practical step towards having a useful regulatory framework.

11030

Foreign Policy Analysis

Alexandra, Andrew

2012

Private Military and Security Companies and the Liberal Conception of Violence

Criminal Justice Ethics

31

3

158-174

The institution of war is the broad framework of rules, norms, and organizations dedicated to the prevention, prosecution, and resolution of violent conflict between political entities. Important parts of that institution consist of the accountability arrangements that hold between armed forces, the political leaders who oversee and direct the use of those forces, and the people in whose name the leaders act and from whose ranks the members of the armed forces are drawn. Like other parts of the institution, these arrangements are responsive to changes in military technology and needs, to geopolitical facts, and to moral and political norms. In particular, they are sensitive to the forms that military organization takes. Since the emergence of modern states in Europe some 500 years ago, there have been three main such forms: private providers—in the form of mercenaries, in early modern Europe—then professional standing armies, which in turn developed into citizen armies. Although elements of the three organizations have coexisted in many armies, the citizen army model has dominated until recently. That model brought with it a particular conception of the accountability relations between the army, the state, and the people. The state had authority over and directed the army, which was accountable to it. In turn the state was accountable for its use of the army to the people, on whose behalf it acted. The dominance of state authority over the military is now under strain, with the professional and private elements—in the form of private military and security companies (PMSCs)—having increasing importance. As those elements increase in power and presence, so it becomes more difficult to make the state accountable to the people for its use of the military, and more difficult for the people to act as a restraining force on the way in which the military used. In this essay, I outline and assess these developments—with particular emphasis on the emergence of PMSCs—in the light of a liberal view of (political) violence. The essay focuses on the situation in the United States, which possesses by far the most important military force in the world today, and in which the use of PMSCs is most developed. The paper has three main sections and a brief conclusion: the first section sketches the liberal view of violence and its implications for organizations dedicated to its use; the second outlines the salient characteristics of the three historically dominant forms of armies; and the third looks at the current situation in which the three forms coexist uneasily.

11020

All Eyes on Wagner

2022

One year of Wagner in Mali

https://alleyesonwagner.org/2022/11/20/one-year-of-wagner-in-mali/

11763

All Eyes on Wagner

2022

CAR: Prigozhin's Blood Diamonds

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1RyxkBKTP7BEVEtoQ3LV0jzxzJFrelHbJ/view

11797

All Eyes on Wagner

2023

Pioneer, Asipovichy Base Commander for Wagner in Belarus

https://alleyesonwagner.org/2023/07/19/pioneer-asipovichy-base-commander-for-wagner-in-belarus/

11925

Allenova, Olga

2008

Chechnya ryadom: Voyna glazami zhenshchiny [Chechnya next door: War through the eyes of a woman]

Moscow: Kommersant

10313

Allison, Roy

1993

Military forces in the Soviet successor states: Introduction

The Adelphi Papers

32

280

3-17

https://doi.org/10.1080/05679329308449184

Russia and Syria: explaining alignment with a regime in crisis

Allison, Roy

2014

Russian ‘Deniable’ Intervention in Ukraine: How and Why Russia Broke the Rule

International Affairs

90

6

1255-1297

The Russian military interventions in Ukraine, which have led to the annexation of the Crimean peninsula and to the entrenchment of separatist enclaves in Donetsk and Luhansk provinces, directly challenge the post-Cold War European state system. Russia has consistently denied any wrongdoing or illegal military involvement and has presented its policies as a reaction to the repression of ethnic Russians and Russian speakers. This article argues that it is important to examine and contest unfounded Russian legal and political claims used by Moscow to justify its interventions. The article proceeds to assess in detail three different explanations of the Russian operations in Ukraine: geopolitical competition and structural power (including the strategic benefits of seizing Crimea); identity and ideational factors; and the search for domestic political consolidation in Russia. These have all played a role, although the role of identity appears the least convincing in explaining the timing and scope of Russian encroachments on Ukrainian territorial integrity and the disruption of Ukrainian statehood.

11031

Allison, Olivia

2015

Informal but Diverse: The Market for Exported Force from Russia and Ukraine

In Molly Dunigan and Ulrich Petersohn (eds.) The Markets for Force – Privatization of Security Across World Regions.

11043

Allison, Olivia

2015

Informal but Diverse: The Market for Exported Force from Russia and Ukraine

In Molly Dunigan and Ulrich Petersohn (eds.) The Markets for Force – Privatization of Security Across World Regions

11043

Allison, Roy

2017

Russia and the post-2014 international legal order: revisionism and realpolitik

International Affairs

93

3

519-544

Russia's annexation of Crimea and military intervention in eastern Ukraine, as well as Moscow's claims around these acts, challenge the post-Cold War territorial settlement and its underlying international legal principles. Unlike previous controversies over western-led interventions, a major power has used force to expand its territorial sphere. Russia's actions contradict its traditional focus on UN Charter principles and sovereignty in the wider international system. This article questions whether Russia has a serious agenda to gain support for revised understandings of international law, at least as applied to what it views as a Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region of entitlements. Or is Russia driven more by realpolitik, whereby legal discourse contributes to a strategic effort to force changes in the European territorial order, in the first instance in its direct neighbourhood? These uncertainties are contrasted to Russia's single-minded narrative on the threat of regime change. Moscow uses the spectre of ‘colour revolutions’ to influence a variety of states in the wider international system. Overall, so far Russia has failed to shift legal understandings in its favour over Crimea/Ukraine. Yet it continues to view the CIS states as only partly sovereign, as located in a zone of exception. Moscow seems intent on changing the European security and territorial order in its favour, regardless of the language of legal principles it deploys in its wider international diplomacy.

11097

Allison, Roy

2017

Russia and the post-2014 international legal order: revisionism and realpolitik

International Affairs

93

3

519–544

Russia's annexation of Crimea and military intervention in eastern Ukraine, as well as Moscow's claims around these acts, challenge the post-Cold War territorial settlement and its underlying international legal principles. Unlike previous controversies over western-led interventions, a major power has used force to expand its territorial sphere. Russia's actions contradict its traditional focus on UN Charter principles and sovereignty in the wider international system. This article questions whether Russia has a serious agenda to gain support for revised understandings of international law, at least as applied to what it views as a Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region of entitlements. Or is Russia driven more by realpolitik, whereby legal discourse contributes to a strategic effort to force changes in the European territorial order, in the first instance in its direct neighbourhood? These uncertainties are contrasted to Russia's single-minded narrative on the threat of regime change. Moscow uses the spectre of ‘colour revolutions’ to influence a variety of states in the wider international system. Overall, so far Russia has failed to shift legal understandings in its favour over Crimea/Ukraine. Yet it continues to view the CIS states as only partly sovereign, as located in a zone of exception. Moscow seems intent on changing the European security and territorial order in its favour, regardless of the language of legal principles it deploys in its wider international diplomacy.

11097

Allison, Olivia, Nick Connon, Antonio Giustozzi and James Pascall

2025

Wagner’s Business Model in Syria and Africa: Profit and Patronage

RUSI Occasional Paper

https://www.rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/occasional-papers/wagners-business-model-syria-and-africa-profit-and-patronage

This paper examines whether the Wagner Group was profitable under its founder Yevgeny Prigozhin, what its business model meant for Russia and Russia’s geopolitical rivals in the recent past, and what the model could mean in the future. The paper’s main focus is on three case studies: Syria, the Central African Republic (CAR) and Mali, but Wagner as a whole is also considered. To assess the group’s profitability, the paper aggregates various sources of financial information to understand Wagner’s financial model, its revenue sources and its costs. Some of Wagner’s deployments were loss making, others barely profitable and some very profitable (the CAR and Syria). It was part of its venture-capitalist business model that failures should happen and were even deemed acceptable, if other operations produced sufficient revenue. Moreover, Prigozhin engaged in his Wagner business also because the favours that his Russian businesses received from President Vladimir Putin were likely conditional on Prigozhin returning them, including by serving the geopolitical interests of Russia abroad. Wagner did not make huge profits overall, especially when the risks involved are considered. Prigozhin made his money with his Russian businesses. It is clear that his ventures in Africa and the Middle East did not contribute significantly to Russia’s coffers, whether in terms of taxes paid or any other way. That does not even appear to have been the purpose: rather, they were intended to sustain Russia’s foreign policy initiatives. At least in the short term, this objective was achieved. Prigozhin’s death raised serious questions about the sustainability of the Wagner business model. The Russian government did try to encourage other tycoons linked to the Kremlin, such as Gennady Timchenko and Arkady Rotenberg, to adopt the model, but neither showed much enthusiasm nor managed to replicate Prigozhin’s mix of shadowy but entrepreneurial business operations. This resulted in Wagner’s activities in Africa being curtailed, but not dismantled. Wagner’s colonial-style business model only really took hold in the CAR and Syria. In Syria, the model became unacceptable even to Bashar al-Assad’s regime, despite its heavy dependence on Russian support. The prospects for it being replicated elsewhere now look remote, not only because of the rarity of Prigozhin’s ‘talent’, but also because it clashes with increasingly nationalist African and Middle Eastern environments. Wagner may be described as a product of a phase of oligarchic politics in Russia, when Putin saw wealthy cronies as a more viable business model than Russia’s rusty state apparatus, even in foreign policymaking. The paper stresses that any revenue accruing to Wagner from its extractive operations needs to be offset against costs. Large deployments of fighters and equipment are very burdensome financially, and big revenue-generating businesses would be needed to justify them. With Prigozhin gone and given the lack of appetite for his neo-colonial approach among governments who might make use of Wagner’s style of operations, a more feasible approach for achieving substantial profits in the future would be a focus on smuggling. Wagner was already engaged in such activities, for example with the Captagon amphetamine trade in Syria. It is far from clear, however, that Russia will allow Wagner to focus on smuggling activities, which would be difficult to control from Moscow. Moreover, such operations could well undermine Russia’s diplomatic aims.

Alonso, R.

2004

Pathways Out of Terrorism in Northern Ireland and the Basque Country: The Misrepresentation of the Irish Model

Terrorism and Political Violence

16

4

695-713

10853

The IRA and Armed Struggle

Altier, M. B., Leonard Boyle, E., Shortland, N. D., & Horgan, J. G.

2017

Why they leave: An analysis of terrorist disengagement events from eighty-seven autobiographical accounts

Security Studies

26

2

305-332

10041

Altier, Mary Beth, Horgan, John & Thoroughgood, Christian

2012

, “In Their Own Words? Methodological Considerations in the Analysis of Terrorist Autobiographies,” Journal of Strategic Security, 5(4, pp85-98.

11266

Altier, Mary Beth, Thoroughgood, Christian N. and Horgan, John

2014

‘Turning Away From Terrorism: Lessons From Psychology, Sociology, and Criminology,’ Journal of Peace Research, 51:5, pp. 647-661.

11519

Amelina, Yana

2015

Severnyy Kavkaz: razgrom islamistskogo podpolya [The North Caucasus: The defeat of the Islamic insurgency]

In Yana Amelina (ed.), Islamskoye Gosudarstvo: Sushchnost i protivostoyanie [Islamic State: Essence and Opposition]. Vladikavkaz: Caucasus Geopolitical Club

64-75

10610

Amelina, Yana

2015

Rossiyskiye “igilovtsy”: Ideologicheskiy vakuum [Russian ISIL members: An ideological vacuum]

In Yana Amelina (ed.), Islamskoye Gosudarstvo: Sushchnost i protivostoyanie [Islamic State: Essence and Opposition]. Vladikavkaz: Caucasus Geopolitical Club

170-177

10611

Amenta, Edwin and Caren, Neal

2007

The Legislative, Organizational, and Beneficiary Consequences of State-Oriented Challengers

In David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule and Hanspieter Kriesi (Eds.). The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing

461-488

10010

Amenta, Edwin and Polletta, Francesca

2019

The Cultural Impacts of Social Movements

Annual Review of Sociology

45

279-299

The most important impacts of social movements are often cultural, but the sheer variety of potential cultural impacts—from shifts in public opinion to new portrayals of a group on television to the metrics guiding funding in a federal agency—presents unique challenges to scholars. Rather than treating culture as a social sphere separate from politics and the economy, we conceptualize it as the ideas, values, and assumptions underpinning policies and practices in all spheres. We review recent research on movements’ impacts on public opinion and everyday behavior; the media and popular culture; nonpolitical institutions such as science, medicine, and education; and politics. We focus on cultural impacts that have mattered for movements’ constituencies and address why movements have had those impacts. We conclude with an agenda for future research, seeking greater connection between the literatures on movements and the literatures on the institutions that matter to movements.

10019

Amenta, Edwin and Young, Michael P.

1999

Making an Impact: Conceptual and Methodological Implications of the Collective Goods Criterion

In Marco Giugni, Doug McAdam and Charles Tilly (Eds.). How Social Movements Matter. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press

22-41

10022/10963

Amenta, Edwin, Caren, Neal, Chiarello, Elizabeth and Su, Yang

2010

The Political Consequences of Social Movements

Annual Review of Sociology

36

287-307

Research on the political consequences of social movements has recently accelerated. We take stock of this research with a focus on movements in democratic polities and the United States in comparative and historical perspective. Although most studies demonstrate the influence of the largest movements, this research has not addressed how much movements matter. As for the conditions under which movements matter, scholars have been revising their initial hypotheses that the strategies, organizational forms, and political contexts that aid mobilization also aid in gaining and exerting political influence. Scholars are exploring alternative arguments about the productivity of different actions and characteristics of movements and movement organizations in the varied political contexts and institutional settings they face. Researchers are also employing more innovative research designs to appraise these more complex arguments. Scholarship will advance best if scholars continue to think through the interactions between strategies, organizations, and contexts; address movement influences on processes in institutional politics beyond the agenda-setting stage; situate case studies in comparative and historical perspective; and make more comparisons across movements and issues.

10023

Aminzade, R. and McAdam, D.

2001

“Emotions and contentious politics”, in Aminzade, R., Goldstone, J., McAdam, D., Perry, E., Sewell, W.H. Jr, , Tarrow, S. and Tilly, C. Eds, Silence and Voice in the Study of Contentious Politics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 14-50.

11480

Aminzade, R., Goldstone, J. and Perry, E.

2001

“Leadership dynamics and the dynamics of contention”, in Aminzade, R., Goldstone, J., McAdam, D., Perry, E., Sewell, W.H. Jr, , Tarrow, S. and Tilly, C. Eds, Silence and Voice in the Study of Contentious Politics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 126-54.

11481

Amnesty International

2000

Russian Federation: Continuing Torture and Rape in Chechnya

EUR 46/036/2000

https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/136000/eur460362000en.pdf

10099

Amnesty International

2000

Russian Federation (Chechnya): Rape and Torture of Children in Chernokozovo 'Filtration Camp'

https://www.amnesty.org.uk/press-releases/chechnya-rape-and-torture-childrens-rights-chernokozovo-filtration-camp

10100

Amnesty International

2012

The Circle Of Injustice: Security Operations And Human Rights Violations In Ingushetia

http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/3680_ingushetia_cover__contents_web.pdf

10476

Anderson, Benedict

1983

, “Imagined Communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism”

11267

Anderson, Scott

2000

The Man Who Tried To Save the World

New York: Anchor Books

10101

Imagined Communities

Andrews

2018

Preface to Rhodes Must Fall

11843

Apter, David

1964

, Ideology and Discontent, New York: The Free Press.

11268

Arbatov, Alexei G.

1998

Military reforms in Russia: dilemmas, obstacles and prospects

International Security

22

4

83-134

11200

Arbatov, Alexei G.

2000

The Transformation of Russian Military Doctrine: Lessons Learned from Kosovo and Chechnya

The Marshall Center Papers No.2

https://www.marshallcenter.org/en/publications/marshall-center-papers/transformation-russian-military-doctrine-lessons-learned-kosovo-and-chechnya/transformation-russian-military

Arce, D.G. and Sandler, T.

2005

Counterterrorism: A Game-Theoretic Analysis

The Journal of Conflict Resoluton

49

183-200

10038

Breivik’s Mindset: The Counterjihad and the New Transatlantic Anti-Muslim Right

Arel, Dominique and Blair A. Ruble

2006

Rebounding Identities: The Politics of Identity in Russia and Ukraine

Woodrow Wilson Center Press and John Hopkins University Press

An examination of post-Soviet society through ethnic, religious, and linguistic criteria, this volume turns what is typically anthropological subject matter into the basis of politics, sociology, and history. Ten chapters cover such diverse subjects as Ukrainian language revival, Tatar language revival, nationalist separatism and assimilation in Russia, religious pluralism in Russia and in Ukraine, mobilization against Chinese immigration, and even the politics of mapmaking. A few of these chapters are principally historical, connecting tsarist and Soviet constructions to today’s systems and struggles. The introduction by Dominique Arel sets out the project in terms of new scholarly approaches to identity, and the conclusion by Blair A. Ruble draws out political and social implications that challenge citizens and policy makers.

10243

Arendt, Hannah

1968

The Origins of Totalitarianism

10900

Aris, Stephen

2020

International vs. area? The disciplinary-politics of knowledge-exchange between IR and Area Studies

International Theory

13

3

451-482

Within the political-economy of the social sciences, Area Studies (AS) is supposed to supply contextually-informed knowledge on (non-Western) areas to the other social sciences, in exchange for theory to guide further empirical investigations. Based on this assumption, there are regular calls for greater engagement with AS to counteract the shortcomings of International Relations’ (IR) knowledge-base on many areas, perspectives, and practices of the international. However, there has been little work empirically detailing knowledge- exchange practices between IR and AS, so it remains an open question if the relationship functions as an exchange of ‘international’ theory-for-‘area’ empirics. This paper provides a macro-sociological analysis of the practices of IR–AS knowledge-exchange. By focusing on citation practice, it moves beyond accounts that treat the two disciplines as ‘black boxes’, to trace which parts of the ‘dividing discipline’ of IR are active in exchanging knowledge with which ‘area’ scholarships. Hence, it asks: Are there ‘area’ blindspots in IR’s knowledge-production? And, what type of IR theory is exported to AS? This analysis informs an assessment of whether AS represents a significant resource for IR in its efforts to, one, better inform its knowledge-production about ‘other’ areas of the international, and two, assert its disciplinary-relevance within the academy.

11844

Aris, Stephen

2022

Wagner PMC and the Semi-Privatisation of Russian State Security

Russian Analytical Digest

290

5-7

https://css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/RAD290.pdf

11804

Aris, Stephen

2023

The Post-Mutiny Context of Wagner and Private Military Forces in Russia

Russian Analytical Digest

303

2-4

This short article provides a summary of how the extraordinary events surrounding Wagner private military company’s (PMC) standoff with the Russian Ministry of Defense came to pass. It then considers what, if any, role Wagner will play in the Russian security landscape in the near future, and what this might suggest about the coherence of the Russian security state in general.

Russian_Analytical_Digest_2023_Vol_303.pdf

52d74c03-1fe7-4552-a27f-30e1a6eec94d

Arjona, Ana

2016

Rebelocracy: Social Order in the Colombian Civil War

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

10865

Arjona, Ana, Kasfir, Nelson and Mampilly, Zachariah

2016

Rebel Governance in Civil War

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

10869

Arkhipov, Yuriy

2011

Plen: Dokumentalnyy roman [Captivity: A documentary novel]

http://proza.ru/2011/04/18/1094

10440

Arlyapova, Yelena

2013

Mobilizatsionnyy potentsial Islama vchera i segodnya (Rossiya: Chechenskaya Respublika) [The mobilisation potential of Islam yesterday and today (Russia: Chechen Republic)]

http://www.academia.edu/3857227/_

10522

Armstrong, Patrick

2013

Enter the Memes

In Robert Bruce Ware (ed.), The Fire Below: How the Caucasus Shaped Russia. New York: Bloomsbury

11-49

10523

Fields of Blood: Religion and the History of Violence

Everything You Think You Know About the Collapse of the Soviet Union Is Wrong

Arutunyan, Anna

2022

Hybrid Warriors: Proxies, Freelancers and Moscow's Struggle for Ukraine

London: Hurst & Company

11193

Arutunyan, Anna and Mark Galeotti

2024

Downfall: Prigozhin, Putin, and the new fight for the future of Russia

Ebury Press

2cab025e-52f0-48e0-bb6c-88c013b1e752

Arvisaisa, Olivier, Guidère, Mathieu, Belporo, Lydie C.,Bérubé, Maxime, Chamsine, Chirine and Mahhou, Mohamed Amine

2022

The Ideological Indoctrination through ISIS Textbooks

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism

https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2022.2106778

This paper depicts how ideological indoctrination is constructed within the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) textbooks as a framing process of religious concepts and values. By adopting a frame analysis perspective, we try to understand how ISIS textbooks assign meaning to traditional concepts in Islam – belief in the oneness of God, obedience to God, rejection of polytheism, allegiance, and disavowal, among others. Even though existing research has led to significant insights into ISIS propaganda, media, and strategic communication, it still falls short of addressing its ideological indoctrination process in a detailed manner. This article fills a gap in the literature on ISIS educational propaganda and ideology. For our empirical case study, we analyzed a selection of ISIS primary-level textbooks produced in Iraq and Syria and published in Arabic. Ultimately, this paper demonstrates that ISIS has been attempting to redefine education by framing the textbooks’ content through the lens of its own ideology. Our study contributes to the growing number of studies that draw attention to the instrumentalization of educational material as a tool of ideological indoctrination targeting youth in conflict areas.

11007

Asal, Victor, Legault, Richard, Szekely, Ora and Wilkenfeld, Jonathan

2013

Gender ideologies and forms of contentiousmobilization in the Middle East

Journal of Peace Research

50

3

305-318

10861

Asal, Victor, Brown, Mitchell and Dalton, Angela

2012

Why Split? Organizational Splits among Ethnopolitical Organizations in the Middle East

Journal of Conflict Resolution

56

1

94-117

10990

Asgarov, Roman

2021

Private Military Company in the Russian Manner: the Wagner Group and Business on the Blood in the Central African Republic

ULUSAM - Ulusal Strateji Araştırmaları Merkezi

37

https://www.ulusam.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/Private-Military-Company-in-the-Russian-Manner-the-Wagner-Group-and-Business-on-the-Blood-in-the-Central-African-Republic.pdf

11938

Post-Jihadism: Libya and the Global Transformations of Armed Islamist Movements

Ashraph, Sareta, Carmen Cheung Ka-Man and Joanna Cook (eds.)

2024

Holding ISIL Accountable: Prosecuting Crimes in Iraq and Syria 

International Center for Counter-Terrorism and The Center for Justice and Accountability

https://www.icct.nl/publication/holding-isil-accountable-prosecuting-crimes-iraq-and-syria

In the aftermath of the collapse of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant’s self-declared “caliphate,” the international community has grappled with the question of how to achieve accountability for crimes committed by the armed group. While prosecutions of captured ISIL fighters and other ISIL-affiliated individuals are occurring, they have to date overwhelmingly focused on terrorism-related offences without addressing core international crimes–including genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes–that may have been perpetrated by these individuals. Many prosecutions fall short of true accountability for the full dimensions of ISIL crimes and the totality of harm done to victims and survivors. To support prosecutions that more fully reflect the atrocities committed by ISIL, additional work is needed to collect and analyse evidence relating to ISIL’s ideology, structure, decision-making, and capacities that underpinned the commission of atrocities. This book brings together eight experts who conducted original research on the inner workings of ISIL. The authors are recognized inter-disciplinary experts on ISIL —some of whom have served as expert witnesses in U.N.-led investigations and domestic criminal proceedings. These papers are intended to serve as a summary of their research and a starting point for prosecutors and other authorities conducting investigations and building cases around crimes committed by ISIL.

Åslund, Anders

2019

The Problematic Nature of Russian Banking

Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization

27

4

423-442

https://muse.jhu.edu/article/734521/pdf

Åslund, Anders

2019

Russia’s Crony Capitalism: The Path from Market Economy to Kleptocracy

Yale University Press

Asymmetric Warfare Group

2020

Russian Private Military Companies: Their Use and How to Consider Them in Operations, Competition, and Conflict

https://publicintelligence.net/awg-russian-private-military-companies/

11052

Autessere, Séverine

2021

The Frontlines of Peace: An Insider’s Guide to Changing the World

Oxford: Oxford University Press

Avant, Deborah

2005

The Market for Force: The Consequences of Privatizing Security

Cambridge, Massachusetts: Cambridge University Press

11719

Avedissian, Karena

2014

A Tale of Two Movements: Social Movement Mobilisation in Southern Russia

https://etheses.bham.ac.uk/id/eprint/5966/4/Avedissian15PhD_Repository.pdf

The thesis employs the political process approach within social movement theory (SMT) to examine in a comparative fashion two distinctly different opposition movements in southern Russia. One is the environmental movement in Krasnodar Krai and the other is the ethno-national Balkar movement in Kabardino-Balkaria. The political process approach focuses on the role and interaction of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing for both movements, and seeks to explore their role in social movement mobilisation dynamics in Russia’s non-democratic context. The combination of the analysis of the three variables of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing allows for fresh perspectives on both SMT and post-Soviet area studies. The thesis is particularly concerned with networks. It argues that in non-democratic contexts, the role of networks is more important than in democratic contexts

10564

Avedissian, Karena

2016

Clerics, Weightlifters, and Politicians: Ramzan Kadyrov's Instagram as an Official Project of Chechen Memory and Identity Production

Caucasus Survey

4

1

20-43

https://brill.com/view/journals/casu/4/1/article-p20_3.xml?language=en

Head of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov’s Instagram has been the focus of popular interest and news since it was launched in 2013. This article strives to show that Kadyrov’s communication through Instagram reproduces and imposes a new, authorized discursive hegemony that positions Chechen national identity within a broader pro-Russian ideological framework legitimating Kadyrov’s power in his Chechen nation-building project. The findings reveal the deployment of three main themes: Islam, sport, and government Public Relations (PR), which serve as discursive vehicles to encourage national cohesion. Situated within a discourse analysis analytical framework, the findings contribute to understandings of social media as a communicative platform in a post-Soviet authoritarian context for normalizing new ideologies.

10639

Averre, Derek

2009

From Pristina to Tskhinvali: The Legacy of Operation Allied Force in Russia's Relations with the West

International Affairs

85

3

575-591

https://www.jstor.org/stable/27695032

Averre, Derek

2016

The Ukraine Conflict: Russia's Challenge to European Security Governance

Europe-Asia Studies

68

4

699-725

This essay uses the concept of security governance to explore the implications of Russia’s intervention in Ukraine for the rules-based security order in Europe. It outlines key ideas in the literature about the post-Cold War European security order with respect to Russia’s role and examines Russian debates on the Ukraine conflict. It then investigates European institutions’ reaction to the conflict in order to understand to what extent Russia’s exclusion (as a result of the West’s policy of containment and deterrence) or self-exclusion now constitutes a structural factor in the security politics of the wider Europe. The essay concludes with the analysis of the challenges facing both Europe and Russia and considers the prospects for re-shaping this order to give meaning to partnership and shared security governance.

11751

Averre, Derek

2024

Russian strategy in the Middle East and North Africa

Manchester: Manchester University Press

Avksentyev, V.A. and G.D. Grishchenko

2016

Etnopoliticheskaya situatsiya na Severnom Kavkaze: Ekspertnaya otsenka [The ethnopolitical situation in the North Caucasus: An expert assessment]

Sotsiologicheskiye issledovaniye [Sociological Research]

1

10640

Avksentyev, V.A., G.D. Grishchenko and A.V. Dmitriyev

2007

Dinamika regionalnogo konfliktnogo protsessa na Yuge Rossii (ekspertnaya otsenka) [The dynamic of the regional conflict process in the South of Russia (expert assessment)]

Sotsiologicheskiye issledovaniye [Sociological Research]

9

70-78

10273

Avksentyev, V.A., G.D. Grishchenko and A.V. Dmitriyev

2007

Regionalnaya konfliktologiya: ekspertnoye mneniye [Regional conflictology: An expert opinion]

Moscow: Alfa-M

10274

The Idea of the Muslim World

Radicalisation Processes of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)

Babak, Vladimir

2000

Russia’s relations with the near abroad

Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

27

1

11201

Babchenko, Arkady

2008

One Soldier's War in Chechnya

London: Portobello Books

10314

Babich, Irina L.

2008

Islam and the Legal System in the Northwestern Caucasus

In Moshe Gammer (ed.), Ethno-Nationalism, Islam and the State in the Caucasus: Post-Soviet Disorder. London: Routledge

19-27

The Northern Caucasus is a special region of the Russian Federation, characterised by the many different ethnic groups inhabiting it. Some of these are similar in language and culture. Such are the Kabartay, Cherkes (Circasssians) and Adyghe on the one hand and the Turkic Balkars and Karachai on the other. The Chechens, Ingush and the various peoples of Daghestan have common linguistic, cultural and historical roots.

10315

Babich, Irina L. and Akhmet Yarlykapov

2003

Islamic Revival in Contemporary Kabardino-Balkaria

Moscow: Programme on Global Security and Cooperation

10152

Bacon, Edwin

2000

The Power Ministries

In Neil Robinson (ed.) Institutions and Political Change in Russia. Basingstoke: Palgrave macmillan

Bacon, Edwin

2019

The Security Council and Security Decision-Making

In Roger E. Kanet (ed.). Routledge Handbook of Russian Security

119-130

11947

Bacon, Edwin, Bettina Renz and Julian Cooper

2007

Securitising Russia: The Domestic Politics of Vladimir Putin

Manchester: Manchester University Press

10275

Autocracy in Crisis

Baddeley, John F.

2007

The Russian Conquest of the Caucasus

Reprint of 1908 edition. London: Longsman, Green and Co.

Bækken, Håvard

2018

Law and Power In Russia: Making Sense Of Quasi-Legal Practices

Routledge

Baev, Pavel

2004

Instrumentalizing Counterterrorism for Regime Consolidation in Putin's Russia

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism

27

4

337-352

10179

Baev, Pavel

2004

The Terrorism-Corruption Nexus in the North Caucasus

Policy Memo No. 114. Washington, DC: PONARS Eurasia

10180

Baglione, Lisa

2008

Post-Settlement Chechnya: A Case of Authoritarian Peace-Building?

Presentation at the 49th International Studies Association Convention, San Francisco, March

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Baiev, Khassan

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The Oath: A Surgeon Under Fire

London: Pocket Books

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Bair, Jennifer, Gabor, Daniela, Germain, Randall, Johnston, Alison, Katada, Saori N., LeBaron, Genevieve and Rethel, Lena

2021

Strengthening RIPE’s commitment to equality, diversity, and inclusion in our field

Review of International Political Economy

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Baker, Deane-Peter and James Pattison

2012

The Principled Case for Employing Private Military and Security Companies in Interventions for Human Rights Purposes